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81. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Harry van der Linden

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International law grants to legitimate combatants the right to kill enemy soldiers both in wars of aggression and defensive wars. A main argument in support of this “combatant’s privilege” is Michael Walzer’s doctrine of the “moral equality of soldiers.” The doctrine argues that soldiers fighting in wars of aggression and defensive wars have the same moral status because they both typically believe that justice is on their side, and their moral choices are equally severely restricted by the overwhelming coercive powers of the state, including propaganda, conscription, and harsh penalties for the refusal to fight. Recently, this doctrine has been convincingly refuted, at least with regard to aggressor soldiers who are part of professional volunteer armies in democratic societies. However, Walzer’s critics have not challenged combatant’s privilege, primarily for a variety of pragmatic reasons. This paper examines these reasons, finds them not decisive, and articulates a modest proposal for denying, under some conditions, combatant’s privilege to aggressor soldiers, making their very participation in a war of aggression a war crime. It is concluded that unrestricted combatant’s privilege is in tension with the aim of the United Nations “to save succeeding generationsfrom the scourge of war.”
82. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Veronica Vasterling

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Throughout the 1990-ies Nussbaum, in collaboration with others, has elaborated and argued for a list of human capabilities which specifies necessary conditions of human flourishing. The capabilities approach has been enormously influential in putting issues of global development and justice, and especially justice for women, on the philosophical and political agenda. Moreover, many international agencies and institutions, including the United Nations Development Program, have started to make use of this approach. Despite of its obvious good intentions the approach deserves more serious critical attention from philosophers than it has received until now. In my paper I take up some fundamental problems with Nussbaum’s philosophical framework. I will argue that Nussbaum’s conception of human nature is still (implicitly) Cartesian and, more in particular, that her conception of reason is outdated. It raises problems with respect to the question of universal values, the possibility of which Nussbaum defends by reference to the faculty of reason.
83. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
S. M. Vovk

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Within the scope of multifactor approach, the ways and peculiarities of nonlinear paradigm formation and its establishment, as well as, multidimensional nature and essence of things in a single research field of the interdisciplinary science that is directly based on the perception of multidimensional integrity of the real world were significantly reconsidered. The idea of multifactorness is deployed as the scientific and logical basis for the methodology of scientific and philosophical research. In the course of investigation, it was revealed that the contemporary level of understanding the notional diversity of "multidimensionality" concentrates within the conceptual structures of nonlinear thinking style considering the principle of oriental world-perception and world-understanding.
84. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Jeffrey Benjamin White

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The focus of the following paper is the phenomenon of the collective agent; what constitutes the appearance of a collective agent? I begin by investigating one simple argument for the existence of collective agents. Two critical issues emerge: does it make sense to hold a collective agent blameworthy, and, what is the motivation for doing so, one way or the other? I then dissolve these issues with a distinction, that between blameworthiness and responsibility. In light of this distinction, there appears to be no use for the introduction of collectives as agents in their own right, outside of expedience of reference and deference of blame.
85. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Xiangdong Wu

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The statement “Building the socialist harmonious society” contains the recognition and understanding of the conflicts of values in the contemporary society. The connotation of socialist harmonious society contains its own dominant values: In the relations of person-to-person, it requires democracy to guarantee the achievement of freedom and rule of law to ensure social fairness and justice. In the relationship of human and nature, it demands harmony between man and nature and the coordinated and sustainable development of economy, society and ecology. Putting-people-first is the essential principle. The construction of contemporary values is a basic approach of building the socialist harmonious society.
86. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Wei Xiaopin

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In order to compare the distributive principle between Marx and Rawls on justice, we have to definite the concept of distributive justice, injustice and beyond justice. By Marx the theoretical concept of distributive justice is something like distribution according to contribution, that is what you earn correspondence to what you have done, principally it is also could be accepted by Rawls, but as soon as we actualities this principle from theory to reality, it is distorted, on the sense of Marx, by the actual capitalism social structure. Related to the principle of justice I regard the principle of beyond justice as distribution regardless what youhave done, under the situation of capitalism, it means to adjust distribution by the way of taxation and etc, which is defended by Rawls with justice as fairness, under the situation of supposed communism, it means distribution according to one’s needs. The principle of distributive injustice could be understood as economic exploitation with Marx’ labor theory of value, but it first comes from Hegel’s theory of labor alienation. With this understanding of the principle of distributive justice, injustice and beyond justice, we try to analysis distributive principle from theory to reality between Karl Marx and John Rawls.
87. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Christopher Yorke

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The similarities between the concept of cosmopolitanism and the concept of the world-state are, in some regards, fairly intuitive. At the very least, the theme of universalism is often seen as common to both. The precise form of a universalized ethical or political order, however, is not expressly conceptually determined by either cosmopolitanism or the world-state; both are susceptible to pluralist interpretations. Further, we cannot assume that an ethical concern will either motivate the creation of, or become a central policy issue to, a world-state, in the way that a concern for moral universalism—sometimes referred to as ‘moral minimalism’—is inseparable from the cosmopolitan project more generally. Nor does cosmopolitanism have a necessary political component in the manner in which the world-state does. Nevertheless, we may assume that any form of global government should have some minimal degree of responsibility and concern for the welfare of all world-citizens. This paper considers Michael Walzer’s analysis of moral minimalism, and posits that this concept could form a common normativebasis for both moral cosmopolitanism and the reform of existing institutions of global governance, as well as having possible applications for the drafting of just policies for a potential world-state.
88. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Jeong-Hyun Youn

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This paper is an interpretation of the thought of the twentieth century Korean religious thinker, Yoo Yŏng-mo (柳永模, 1890-1981), a pioneer figure who sought to re-conceptualise a Christian understanding of the Ultimate Reality in the light of a positive openness to the plurality of Korean religions. Yoo Yŏng-mo considered that it was possible to present an overall picture of harmony and complementarity between the three traditions of Korea and Christianity, and this is endorsed by the present thesis. This essay is aimed at providing a religious rationale for inter-faith dialogue. Using the principles of ‘Change’ (易, i) and ‘Yin-ying’ (陰陽)dominated in Chinese Classics and East Asian way of thinking, this paper lays out a methodology for envisaging harmony and mutual complementarity between traditions. The effect of some central concepts from within Confucian, Buddhist and Taioist tradition on the Christian thought of Yoo Yŏng-mo is then analysed and examined. In this respect, this paper argues that the Ultimate Reality based on the principle of harmony and mutual complementarity is not only both personal and impersonal as well as both transcendent and imminent, but also neither personal nor impersonal as well as neither transcendent nor imminent. Essentially, therefore, this essay accepts that Yoo Yŏng-mo’s equating of the Christian idea of God with the ‘Great Ultimate’ (太極) in Confucianism, with ‘Nothingness’ (無) in Buddhism and with the ‘One’ or Tao (道) in the thought of Lao-Chuang (老莊思想) of Taoism is a legitimate equivalence to make and that this does indeed pave the way for a potentially fruitful dialogue between Korea’s main religions. The drawing together of the Great Ultimate, Absolute Nothingness, the One Absolute from the Tao and the traditional personal God of Christianity gives the discussion an entirely new direction which has become a challenge for traditional orthodoxChristian theology and also for a pluralistic religious society.
89. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
R.I. Zaguidoullin

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During the second half of the XX century drug addiction ceased to be only the epiphenomenon of crime, prostitution and a number of other social-relations deviation, and became a constant value of post-industrial society and at the end of XX century turned into a global problem of mankind. A new form of mass neurosis shows that drug dependence is nowadays socially conditioned mental degeneration, caused by activation of unconscious collective archetypes that are experienced depending on the corresponding situation. The identification of the sacred plant soma/haoma with the marihuana enables us to not only to make clear the light and the dark sides of this archetype, but also to figure out that the reduction of the drug addiction problem, to the acceptable for the society level, is possible only if a man will be able to satisfy his “life-asserting, vital needs”, if he will be able to regain the true meaning of life.
90. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Shifa Zhao

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With the development of globalization and its inner-contradictions exposing gradually, a new anti-globalization movement has sprung up Since 1990s. It is also a kind of new globalization. In fact, contemporary globalization is controlled by capitalism. During the course, capitalist contradictions and crisis also globalize. Anti-globalization exposes the new crisis of contemporary capitalism The substance of contemporary antiglobalization is to opposite capitalism and its crisis. It is not a mature movement now, but it is significant to correct the developing direction of contemporary globalization.
91. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Nikolay Zyuzev

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The paper suggests an explanation of the failure of liberal reforms in Russia in 1990th using a specific concept of social space. A society can be interpreted as ‘rings in the water’ system with an individual as the center and more distant social groups as ‘rings’. The key factor in such system would be an individual’s ability to translate his/her will through the ‘rings’. Russian social space is characterized by a sharp discrepancy between high standards for personal spiritual and moral growth and low ethical standards of real social life. What is strictly forbidden inside the personal social circle (the ‘ring’ of relatives and close friends) is easilycondoned outside of it. External ‘rings’ of social space are more like ‘dangerous and irrational wild nature’ than cultural territory. This discrepancy (constant for Russian history for at least last 500-600 years) puts all kinds of barriers for active social interaction. The failure of liberal reforms in Russia shouldn’t be interpreted as the failure of liberal ideas, but as the failure of an attempt to apply them to the territory mentally and socially absolutely alien to them.

articles in german

92. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Sang-bong Kim

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articles in spanish

93. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Omar Astorga

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La influencia del modelo hobbesiano y en especial de la idea de la guerra en el desarrollo del pensamiento político moderno de los siglos XVII y XVIII, ha sido ampliamente documentada por diversos intérpretes. Sin embargo, esta influencia no ha sido suficientemente destacada a propósito de la continuidad que ha tenido en el pensamiento político contemporáneo. Con el presente texto, presentamos algunas líneas de interpretación a través de las cuales es posible observar la presencia de la idea hobbesiana de la guerra en doctrinas políticas distintas e incluso antagónicas, a saber, el liberalismo jurídico de Ennmanuel Kant, el decisionismo de Carl Schmitt y el neomarxismo de Antonio Negri.
94. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Omar Darío Heffes

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El objetivo de esta presentación es establecer una relación entre el ciclo de la labor, conceptualizado por Arendt en La condición humana, y el campo de concentración. Se parte de la clara alusión de Arendt, en donde argumenta que lo que se busca en el campo de concentración, es la construcción de un animal que sólo tenga la “libertad” de “reproducir su especie”. Dichas características están insertas en el animal laborans que también pareciera ser la cifra del homo sacer de Giorgio Agamben. Esa institución del derecho romano arcaico, según los desarrollos de Agamben, permite entender al interno del campo de concentración. El animal laborans se puede encontrar en las prácticas que se desarrollan en el campo. La labor y el consumo forman parte fundamental de una estrategia de supervivencia y modulan, en forma definitiva, la diferencia entre el futuro sobreviviente y el musulmán. Vida y muerte son moduladas por lalabor y por el consumo. El ciclo de la labor crea sujetos, crea posibilidades. Esas estrategias, a través de la labor y del consumo, permiten visualizar que la supervivencia puede ser leída con la grilla de inteligibilidad del homo oeconomicus, es decir, un sujeto de interés empresario de sí mismo, que se gobierna a sí mismo como una posesión, y que, por ende, puede ser entendido como un sujeto gobernable. El sobreviviente hace un trabajo sobre sí mismo para poder sobrevivir, educarse para subsisitir y no caer en la selección. El homo oeconomicus del neoliberalismo puede permitirnos entender la vida dentro del campo y, por ende, puede ser la cifra del homo sacer a través de su condición del animal laborans.
95. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Marcelo Raffin

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Esta ponencia pretende hacer explícita la particular relación que Michel Foucault y Giorgio Agamben postulan entre la vida y el poder como una relación de imbricación por la cual el poder siempre ha dado forma a la vida, en el sentido de lo viviente, apresándola bajo modalizaciones específicas y, por esta vía, propone asimismo una hermenéutica de las formas contemporáneas del sujeto a partir de la relación señalada. A tal fin, se revisará la forma particular en que la vida en tanto zōē o simple vida biológica o animal, se ha imbricado con el poder en Occidente y en particular en la modernidad, para producir determinadas formas humanas en las que la vida en términos de bios o vida calificada por la cultura y la polis, ha quedado, en forma contraria a las declaraciones de principios explícitos de la arquitectura metafísicopolítica, neutralizada. Para ello, se examinarán en especial, los desarrollos de Michel Foucault y de Giorgio Agamben en torno del biopoder y la biopolítica, la nuda vida y las figuras del homo sacer y el estado de excepción y el paradigma de la teología económica.

articles in russian

96. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Agdas Burganov

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There is no fairness in the world. Inequality can be observed in all spheres of human activities and in all parts of the world. This leads to the world-wide gross injustice. The main dilemma of survival is: either social fairness to people or the end of human history. The patience of people in hardship is exhausted. Social and interstate contradictions are being sharpened, and they add fuel to the flames of international tension. The world is on its way to endless terror. Even “Golden Billion” is not quiet any longer. Fierce confrontation between the rich and the poor, the outlaws and the citizens takes nowadays place in Europe and the United States. As we can see the struggle will stop at nothing. It will spread with its unprecedented bitterness and moral bifurcation in people, the alarming symptoms of which are already being manifested. The mankind is moving towards the “all-in war’ state, the state of being at war on everything and everyone. Equality – it is Chimera. But what should we do, how should we act in order not to make equality a Pandora’s box, fueling global tension and giving a birth to revolutions and wars? What is there to be done with man’s strive for being at least not worse than the others? The solution of this problem is to open equal chances to all members of human society, to give them real and objective opportunities which form the basis of social justice. Sooner or later the mankind will come to cooperation via solving global environmental problems, and leveling all nations’ welfare on the basis of world wealth co-ownership.
97. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
В.В. Колотуша

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The events of the beginning of the millennium have made it necessary to try to find a new philosophical sense of power enforcement as a social phenomenon. Conceptualization of the phenomenon involves its all-round consideration both as activity itself and social practice as its variety. The role of power enforcement in the life of the society, its social determinants, and its correlation with culture and state should also become a part of thorough comprehension. Power enforcement as a variety of social practice is on the one hand aimed at forcible acquisition of products, territories, but on the other hand it is counteraction to it. Power enforcement, due to constant shortage of resources for subsistence, has always played a very important role in the course of historical development. It can be violent or nonviolent. Violent variety of power enforcement is the one, which purposes are parasitical and the means are illegal. Power enforcement has always been a corporate part of life of the human society; therefore it is not going to disappear forever. To neglect this fact means to have an inexcusable illusion. Under conditions of globalization, increasing of violent threats of unmilitary nature and in the first place the threat of terrorism is a peculiarity of the present day power enforcement. At the same time the threat of full-scale wars doesn’t seem to weaken but to some extent it is growing. The mission of philosophers is tounderstand these threats and to seek the ways to prevent them.
98. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Андрей Королев

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After gold standard terminated in 1971, a new situation developed in which Earth ceased to be a means in the process of monetary exchange. Power shifted to People of Air, to those who produce no goods or services, but are busy selling and buying money and securities. The dying out of European nations, that characteristically dates back to that very year of 1971, raises a question of creating a new means of exchange. But now it will not be a part of parts of Earth (like gold, silver, other metals), but the whole Earth, Earth as a planet. A dramatically new level of perception and manipulation of Earth’s gravitational, electromagnetic and other fields thus achieved, would allow anyone to obtain the philosopher’s stone and join the circle of People of Earth. It will be philosopher’s stone that willhenceforth define the level of mastering Earth fields, without resort to technological means. The power will then begin to shift from People of Air to People of Earth.
99. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Evgenia M. Nikolaeva

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The problem of person’s social formation becomes especialy actual in all its aspects during the periods of social historical transformations. The guiding lines of individual’s development accepted by society (socialization norms) are either lacking or being overthrown. Such situation demands from the researchers to switch their attention from the mechanisms of sociality reproduction to the mechanisms responsible for the sociality formation. The last ones become the main subject of the self-organization theory (synergetics). According to it, socialization can be represented as the self-organizing system-process. The attempt to use the principle of unlinearity in the research of social formation of personality, is undertaken in the present article.
100. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
V.N. Shevchenko

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At present, as the paper states, social philosophy and philosophy of history – are generally considered to be independent domains. This is evidenced by the fact that each of the above‐named domains has to be discussed in a separate congress section, the practice which was common for previous congresses as well. It is argued in the paper, that social philosophy and philosophy of history are the two most important aspects of the integral philosophical study of society. It is impossible to say which aspect is dominating. The report contains a number of arguments to support this point of view. Possible reasons for such a “division of labor” in European philosophical thought and its consequences are exposed. The question arises: why are social philosophers incline to discuss a correlation between social philosophy and theoretical sociology and don’t like to discuss a correlation between social philosophy and philosophy of history? And why are philosophers of history so reluctant to discuss ontological issues of society?