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201. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Gabriel Radu On the Applicability of Theoretical Model of Intergenerational Justice
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This article pays special attention to some issues of justice erased by extending constitutional and political problems to a more generally rank. Controversies generated by the principle of justice are multiplicated in their formulation in different social spaces and time relocation. In this article we test the applicability of the theoretical model of intergenerational justice in changing political orders, emphasizing its particularities and limitations. Solving past political problems in different political regimes induces many theoretical disscutions. In spite of all dificulties, new debates in intergenerational justice appears like a possibility in approaching controversial political matters. We’ll try also to formulate some proposals concerning the possibility of applications of some constrains of the theoretical model of intergenerational justice to changing political order issues.
202. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Xiuqin Zhang 反思政治意识形态: 理论、制度与实践
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Theory, insitution, and practise, which bridge politics with ideology,are medias by which the interact between politics and ideology can be carrying on. As we know,there is a so closly relationship between ideology and politics that we would be identy the practise of ideology with politics. This thesis, Therefore, try toinquiring the polital ideology not just based on the dimension of pure theory itself but on the dimensions of theory,insitution and practise,and also the inreactions of them.It is to say that, as ideology, politics ,i.e. political ideology, have three forms of expression which including ideology of political theory, of political insitution, and of political practise.
203. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Sushila Ramaswamy The Incompleteness of Multiculturalist Agenda: Overlooking the Need for a Shared Identity
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It is generally believed that through one-person one vote the diverse groups within society would be integrated into a shared identity. But the multiculturalists- Kymlicka, Parekh, Taylor, Young- argue that in well established democracies, some groups like African-American, indigenous peoples, ethnic and religious minorities and women feel marginalized and as a remedy, propose measures that the political system could mirror the distinct cultural identity of the different people. The critics of multiculturalism- Miller, Barry- argue that Liberalism accommodates cultural plurality and stresses on the need for shared identity and common public space, which multiculturalism overlooks.
204. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Hye-ryoung Kang A Critique of “Idealized” Non-ideal Justice Theory in Rawls’ Laws of People
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Distinguishing between “abstraction” and “idealization,” O’Neill has warned that idealized accounts of justice are misleading because “insofar as contemporary theories of justice start by assuming ‘ideal’ conception of persons, rationality or independence... their theories will be inapplicable to the human case.” The principles of justice in Theories of Justice by John Rawls has often been criticized as a typical example of such an idealized account of justice. However, in response to such criticism, Rawls may contend that the problem with the ideal account of justice can be addressed in this non‐ideal theory, which is fully explored in his Law of People. In this paper, I aim to provide a critique of non‐ideal theory in Law of People by arguing that in as much as what injustice and non‐ideal mean is pre-defined by his ideal theory by the top-down model, not from existing conditions, and his non-ideal theory also has the same problem as hisideal theory, thus, systematic exclusion of particular types of actual injustice. Thus, I argue that while Rawls’s idealized non ideal theory may capture the concerns of idealized reasonable liberal people, it fails to capture the actual justice concerns of those people suffering from the injustices of neo-liberal globalization mainly derived by actual liberal people.
205. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Kevin B. Anderson Unilinearism and Multilinearism in Marx’s Thought
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Marx concentrated on Western Europe and North America in his core writings, but discussions of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Eastern Europe, and Latin America are scattered throughout his work. In the Communist Manifesto (1848) and his writings for the New York Tribune Marx posited a universal theory of historical and economic development in which non-Western societies represented backwardness, but could progress into modernity with the external impetus of the world market. Later, especially in the Grundrisse (1857-58) and the recently available Ethnological Notebooks of 1879-82, Marx gradually altered this implicitly unilinear model, replacing it with a more multilinear one in which non-Western societies (in which he included Russia) might be able to embark upon an alternate form of modernity that would offer a new challenge to capitalist modernity. The basis of this alternate form was economic, in the “communal” property forms that he saw as underlying many Asian societies, as opposed to Western-style private property.
206. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
R.I. Zaguidoullin On the Identification of the Soma/Haoma Plant
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During the second half of the XX century drug addiction ceased to be only the epiphenomenon of crime, prostitution and a number of other social-relations deviation, and became a constant value of post-industrial society and at the end of XX century turned into a global problem of mankind. A new form of mass neurosis shows that drug dependence is nowadays socially conditioned mental degeneration, caused by activation of unconscious collective archetypes that are experienced depending on the corresponding situation. The identification of the sacred plant soma/haoma with the marihuana enables us to not only to make clear the light and the dark sides of this archetype, but also to figure out that the reduction of the drug addiction problem, to the acceptable for the society level, is possible only if a man will be able to satisfy his “life-asserting, vital needs”, if he will be able to regain the true meaning of life.
207. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Michael Marder Complexio Oppsitorum: Politics and Culture in Carl Schmitt
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Carl Schmitt’s Roman Catholicism and Political Form (1923) features a term, the importance of which political philosophy is yet to fathom. This notion is complexio oppositorum, describing Catholicism as “a complex of opposites”. Upon theorizing the complex as a non-dialectical, non-synthetical unity, I will graft its structure onto the concept of culture and its recent political incarnation, multiculturalism. I will argue that in order to remain a viable political concept, multiculturalism has to preserve an antagonistic composition, which will allow for 1) a concretion of the Schmittian understanding of culture as a plurality and 2) a non-consensusbased process of negotiating cultural co-existence.
208. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Ranjoo Seodu Herr Democracy in Decent Nonliberal Culture: A Philosophical Defense
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Despite numerous democratic movements and some successful instances of democratic consolidation in the non-liberal Third World cultures, most observers of democracy in the liberal West equate democracy with liberal democracy conceptually linked to the liberal value of individual freedom. Consequently they deny the possibility of nonliberal democracy by arguing that non-liberal cultures do not advocate the liberal value of individual freedom. In this paper, I argue that democracy is conceptually compatible with non-liberal cultures because democracy is not necessarily tied to the value of individual freedom. I first deconstructthe liberal position on democracy and then construct a broader conception of democracy compatible with nonliberal cultures.
209. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Unsunn Lee A Comparative Study on Wang Yang-ming and Hannah Arendt for the 21st Century
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This is a comparative study on the 20th's century's Western philosophy Hannah Arendt(1906-1975) and the 16th century's Eastern Confucian thinker Wang Yang-ming(1472-1529). Wang-ming was a Neoconfucian thinker of the 16th century China. In his time, Chinese intellectual world was dominated by Neoconfucian Ch’eng-Chu School which laid much stress on scholastic work of learning. Yang-ming saw a huge obstacle of intellectualism in Ch’eng-Chu school’s theoretical scholasticism that emphasized overly book-learning to be required on the way to become a genuine person. He recognized this kind of rigidintellectualism as the true reason for the dichotomy in his time between knowledge and action, between learning and life, and between selfcultivation and social practice. According to his view, the dichotomy brought about serious political corruption and oppressed human creativity up to the point of total institutionalization of “truth”. Hannah Arendtwas sickened under the severe totalitarianism of the 20th century, especially as a Jew under the German Nazism. She undertook an extensive analysis of how Western civilization generated totalitarian imperialism, fascism, and communism, going through the modern times, all of which made human beings’ language and action superfluous, erupted, and destroyed. Through these experiences, she became disgusted with traditional Western hierarchy of thinking and doing, philosophy and politics, theory and practice, in short, vita contemplativa and vita activa. Although they both lived far away from each other in space and time and used completely different languages, they both, in my view, shared many common problems and concerns, not only in the contents of their thoughts but also in the way and form of construction of thoughts. To the similar extent that people were warned and judged by both thinkers respectively in their times of the totalitarianism of making human beings superfluous and puppet-like, we human beings in the 21st century are considered to be threatened by the totalitarian nullification caused by modern utilitarianism, automation, consumerism, etc. These principles are practiced limitlessly and boundlessly, so that our whole lives of politics, culture, and education are now suffering from that threat. It is my conviction that we can acquire some guide and wisdom from the twothinkers of East and West, because they discovered possible solutions of how to restore and revive human beings’ capacities of thinking and judging, and how to bring action and doing.
210. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Joaquín Jareño-Alarcón The Proportionality of Means and Ends: The Case against Torture in a Democratic Society
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Over the last few years, in part due to the political impact of terrorist activities, the debate on the moral significance of torture as a useful means of obtaining information from enemy combatants has arisen with an urgency not seen in many years. Stressing the importance of exceptional cases, the defenders of torture attempt to justify its acceptance by and back its use in the judicial system of Western democracies. Yet what is at stake here are the basic moral principles—especially that of human dignity-on which our political convictions rest. Admitting of exceptions would change the value of these principles: what once werefixed guidelines for acceptable action now become alterable according to specific political demands, thus making torture into a morally neutral act. The current defence of torture in the West may be a symptom of the progressive absolutization of the State.
211. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Nikolay Zyuzev Lost in Translation: Russian Social Space and the Failure of Liberal Reforms in Russia
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The paper suggests an explanation of the failure of liberal reforms in Russia in 1990th using a specific concept of social space. A society can be interpreted as ‘rings in the water’ system with an individual as the center and more distant social groups as ‘rings’. The key factor in such system would be an individual’s ability to translate his/her will through the ‘rings’. Russian social space is characterized by a sharp discrepancy between high standards for personal spiritual and moral growth and low ethical standards of real social life. What is strictly forbidden inside the personal social circle (the ‘ring’ of relatives and close friends) is easilycondoned outside of it. External ‘rings’ of social space are more like ‘dangerous and irrational wild nature’ than cultural territory. This discrepancy (constant for Russian history for at least last 500-600 years) puts all kinds of barriers for active social interaction. The failure of liberal reforms in Russia shouldn’t be interpreted as the failure of liberal ideas, but as the failure of an attempt to apply them to the territory mentally and socially absolutely alien to them.
212. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Susan M. Parrillo A Skeptical View of the Liberal Peace
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A Skeptical View of the Liberal Peace reflects on the place of democracy in the global community. The article pays particular attention to the widespread assumption that there is an inherent relationship between democracy and peace, and that peace most assuredly is derived from democracy itself. I find these assertions to be highly questionable and overstated. Reflection on the philosophy which underpins these claims can only be helpful for international relations. In particular, given the United States’ apparent imperialistic urge to force democracies on other nations as Iraq, the article seems especially timely.
213. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Yuko Kamishima Can Nussbaum’s Capabilities Approach be a Foundation of Politically Liberal Theory of Justice?
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With our state-guaranteed or internationally recognized human rights, liberalism is rather a common basis of political discussion today. John Rawls’s theory of justice, which set a framework for liberal theory of justice in the last decades of the twentieth century, is notably contractarian. Martha Nussbaum, although claiming to be a neo-Aristotelian, argues that her capabilities approach (hereafter CA) can upgrade the liberal theory of justice, particularly that of political liberalism, to deal with unsolved problems of justice, namely, disability, nationality, and species membership. However, this paper argues that her proposal issuccessful only when her CA-based theory proves its affiliation with political liberalism in more detail. As defined by Rawls, political liberalism produces “free-standing” political conceptions and rejects any metaphysical or religious ideas. It halts conceptions of justice that promote conceptions of good derived from particular comprehensive doctrines. I do not believe a mere convergence between CA and contractarianism is sufficient enough to secure the rational acceptability of her CA-based theory. I suggest that if she wishes to maintain her CA-based theory’s being politically liberal, she either has to prove more of the public, in particular the global public, acceptability of her intuitive ideas of human dignity without relying on her intuitions or alter the meaning of political liberalism itself so that it allows a room for some sort of comprehensive doctrine.
214. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Seong-Woo Kim A Philosophical Study on the Crisis of Democracy in Korea
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The result of 2007’s presidential election in South Korea symbolizes the decline of the Left and the growth of the new Right. They say it goes with the global retrogression of democracy, or the consolidation of the hegemony of the rightist versions of democracy. According to Choi Jang-jip, the general public in Korea has thought that the Roh Moo-hyun’s administration had betrayed them, handing power over to the market, and seeking to form a coalition government with theconservatives. Similarly, Professor Jang Ha-jun asserts that the democratic governments of Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun have mistaken economic democratization for neo-liberalistic structural adjustment.
215. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Raf Geenens An Anti-foundationalist Foundationalism: The “French” justification of democracy and human rights
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In this paper I investigate a class of theories that attempt to justify democracy and human rights on the basis of a specific political anthropology. These theories belong to what could be called contemporary French liberalism, as exemplified by Claude Lefort, Marcel Gauchet, and Pierre Rosanvallon. These thinkers share the important intuition that human coexistence is rooted in a fundamental “political” and “historical” condition. Although this condition can be illustrated by meansof empirical examples, I will argue that their argument should be taken to mean that societies are necessarily caught up in this condition. In a second step I will consider the normative consequences of this thesis. The key idea is that ignoring this fundamental condition inevitably leads to pathological consequences, as can be illustrated in reference to both predemocratic societies (e.g. non-Western premodern societies) and postdemocratic societies (e.g. totalitarian regimes). It is only democracies, so they contend, that are able to deal with this condition in a “correct” way, for here this condition is not overlooked or repressed but is openlyrecognized and even institutionally protected. In the final part of my paper I will argue that this line of reasoning offers a promising alternative for the many strands of foundationalism that dominate contemporary political theory, even if it remains beset by a number of weaknesses.
216. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Heup Young Kim Ryu Young-mo’s Understanding of Christ: A Christodao
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I have been proposing for ‘christo‐dao’ rather than traditional christo-logy or modern christo‐praxis as a more appropriate paradigm for the understanding of Jesus Christ in the new millennium. This christological paradigm shift solicits a radical change of its root-metaphor, from logos (Christ as the incarnate logos) or praxis (Christ as the praxis of God’s reign) to ‘dao’ (Christ as the embodiment of the Dao, the “theanthropocosmic” Way) with a critical new interpretation. For EastAsian Christians, the christological adoption of dao is as inevitable and legitimate as that of logos for the Western church at the fourth century. This adoption has been operative since the beginning of Korean Christianity. As an example, in this paper, I introduce the intriguing thoughts of Dasŏk Ryu Young-mo 柳永模 (1890-1981). According to John 14:6, Ryu comprehended Jesus as the Dao, the way of the truth toward the life in God. Christ is the brightest way on which we can walk safely (the truth) to attain the unity with God (the life). It coincides with the goal of Confucianism, the anthropocosmic unity of Heaven and humanity. Fromthis vantage point, he further expressed a nobel East Asian definition of God; namely, God is the One who is ‘the Being in Non-Being’ (Ŏpshigyeshin-nim): He believed that this event of Being-in-Non-Being has been historically manifested in the crucifixion (the Non-Being) and the resurrection (Being) of Jesus Christ. Christ is both the Non-Being (the Non-Ultimate, Vacuity) and Being (Great Ultimate, Form). Finally, confessing Jesus as the embodiment of the Dao is none other than Ryu’s East Asian way of saying “the Word made flesh.”
217. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Wei Xiaopin Distributive Justice, Injustice and Beyond Justice: The Difference from Principle to Reality between Karl Marx and John Rawls
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In order to compare the distributive principle between Marx and Rawls on justice, we have to definite the concept of distributive justice, injustice and beyond justice. By Marx the theoretical concept of distributive justice is something like distribution according to contribution, that is what you earn correspondence to what you have done, principally it is also could be accepted by Rawls, but as soon as we actualities this principle from theory to reality, it is distorted, on the sense of Marx, by the actual capitalism social structure. Related to the principle of justice I regard the principle of beyond justice as distribution regardless what youhave done, under the situation of capitalism, it means to adjust distribution by the way of taxation and etc, which is defended by Rawls with justice as fairness, under the situation of supposed communism, it means distribution according to one’s needs. The principle of distributive injustice could be understood as economic exploitation with Marx’ labor theory of value, but it first comes from Hegel’s theory of labor alienation. With this understanding of the principle of distributive justice, injustice and beyond justice, we try to analysis distributive principle from theory to reality between Karl Marx and John Rawls.
218. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Thummapudi Bharathi Dr. Ambedkar’s Philosophy: A Step towards Total Humanism
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The one great quality of Socratic gift is that thinking as an activity continues but not repetitively but every time thinking takes place, it takes place a new. Thinking is the one activity that cannot be repeated like prayers and other pieties. All philosophical thinking is new thinking; it has to be new in order to be thinking. Philosophy had to become the handmaid of sociology and could not be allowed to remain surrogate sociology. When this happened new concepts or new conceptualizations became the need of the hour: in the place of the age-old hierarchic social stratification a novel concept of materialism had to be inducted - after all matter is what matters. And in India morally entangled sociology was holding down the rich human resources of the sub-continent and a development-oriented ideology had to convert this moral society into a legal society: An unlegislated, unlegislatable society is condemned to be unstable andcollapsible; in its place a stable, legislatable society had to be created. With this felt-need Dr. Ambedkar came into the Indian political arena and gave a modernist rethinking to the outmoded Indian social structure: His hallmark was think to change.
219. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Andrzej Szahaj The Relation between Multiculturalism and Democracy in the Light of Political Philosophy
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The paper treats about the relation between ideas of democracy and justice produced by a leading American political philosopher - John Rawls and ideology of multiculturalism. The author tries to show that Rawls’ arguments cannot meet the expectations of partisans of the ideology in question because they are very much Western or ethnocentric at the bottom. He argues that such a predicament is not to be lamented about because to be Western or ethnocentric when Euro-American culture is at stake is not something bad. On the contrary, being true to the some ideas of Western culture, especially these ones that are connected with individualism, human rights and liberal democracy, is worthy of acceptation. The conclusion of his paper says that the ideology of multiculturalism can be accepted only in its moderate forms and should be rejected in its extreme forms. It means that the limit of approval of multiculturalism lies at the political level and is connected with the relation of this ideology to the core political values of the Western culture.
220. Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy: Volume > 50
Jaesoon Park The Philosophy of HAM, Seok Heon as an Encounter of the Eastern and Western Cultures
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The purpose of this essay is to identify the characters of Ham's philosophy that have been formed through the historical process of the encounter between the Eastern and Western civilizations. Views of the academics on Ham have been divided in two; those who regard Ham as a philosopher characterizing oriental Korean cultural thought, and those who see him with the characteristics of Christianity and Western modern cultural thought. In this essay I will show that Ham formed an integrated thought which interweaves the Eastern and Western cultures and minds through accepting the Western Christian modern mind but with theoriental identity of Korean culture. Also, I will clarify the characteristics of Korean modern history as a process of the encounter between the Eastern and Western civilizations. I then discuss the way the basic elements of the Eastern and Western cultural thoughts were accepted and integrated in Ham's thoughts, in line with Korean modern history. This essay also reveals that Logos in Western Greek philosophy, the Word in Christianity (“agape”, love), Tao in Eastern Asia, and Han (Great one) of the Han people (Koreans) were the core concepts and principles of Ham’s philosophy. His main statement, “Thinking people will survive” can be confirmed by the Logos; his core concepts “will” and “love” in the Word; his organic oneness of thought that unifies process and purpose, and the comparative and the absolute, in the Tao (Way); and his integrated philosophy that covers the Eastern and Western, the old and the new, the material and the spiritual,and the individual and the group, in Han.